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Results for illegal drugs (colombia)

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Author: Vargas Meza, Ricardo

Title: USAID’s Alternative Development policy in Colombia

Summary: Development as practised by USAID and the Colombia government was always guided more by security rather than development considerations. This report examines the key aspects of USAID's alternative development policy and its implementation in Colombia during the last decade. Key Points • Alternative development must not be part of a militarised security strategy, which is the predominant approach in Colombia. Instead of simply attempting to reduce the area planted with illicit crops, Alternative Development programmes should operate within the framework of a rural and regional development plan. • Alternative Development programmes must foster social processes in which the community participates and is empowered throughout the entire project cycle, from formulation to evaluation. • Before intervening in conflict zones, such as drug crop-growing areas or transit corridors, international cooperation agencies should carry out detailed assessments of factors such as: changes in land tenure structures as a result of the armed conflict; existence of emerging powers related to drug trafficking, paramilitaries or other armed actors; situation of legitimate community organisations (Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities), among others. • International cooperation agencies should analyse in depth the role of Alternative Development, examining the process of territorial control by organised criminal groups.

Details: Amsterdam: Transnational Institute, 2011. 12p.

Source: Internet Resource: Drug Policy Briefing Nr. 38: Accessed November 1, 2011 at: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/brief38.pdf

Year: 2011

Country: Colombia

URL: http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/brief38.pdf

Shelf Number: 123201

Keywords:
Drug Control
Drug Policy
Illegal Drugs (Colombia)

Author: Acevedo, Beatriz

Title: Ten Years of Plan Colombia: An Analytic Assessment

Summary: Over the last decade Plan Colombia has been the principal strategy addressing the complex dynamics of illicit drugs production within that country. It is based on the assumption that a reduction in the illicit drugs market worldwide can be tackled by focusing on supply control measures. Plan Colombia was originally proposed as a peace programme, but soon became a military strategy aimed at weakening the link between illicit drugs and insurgency. The results of this approach in terms of the decline of illegal armies, particularly guerrilla groups, may be considered as a success. In relation to coca cultivation and cocaine trafficking, however, the results show otherwise. The latest United Nations World Drug Report estimates that there has been a 27% increase in the area cultivated with coca in the period 2006-2007(UNODC, 2008), and Colombia remains one of the major producers of cocaine in the world (See Graph and Table 1). This contradiction leads to a number of questions about the effectiveness of a predominantly military approach in tackling the drugs problem and the real impact of the supply control strategy on the international market of illicit drugs. This briefing paper consequently aims to present a critical assessment of Plan Colombia over the past ten years. It is argued that the strategy has failed to address the structural causes of illicit drugs cultivation: poverty, lack of opportunities and on-going conflict. In particular it discusses how the current emphasis on fumigation has a negative impact on the fragile and strategic eco-system of the Amazonian region, as well as potential health problems for people who live in these areas. Moreover, it is also suggested that a militaristic approach to drug trafficking seems to contribute to the development of what can be called the ‘markets of violence.’ These are reflected in the increasing power of warlords, the growth of diverse business associated with security and protection and disputes amongst illegal armies for control of activities related to illegal drugs. Finally, it is argued that while the power of guerrilla groups2 - particularly the 40-year-old FARC group that controls some phases of the drug trafficking business - may be in decline, this situation needs to be analysed as part of their lack of political coherence and popular support. Indeed, as is discussed here, increased attention should be given to the developing power of paramilitary groups3 within Colombian politics and the emergence of a phenomenon that has become to be known as ‘para-politics’.

Details: Oxford, UK: Beckley Foundation, Drug Policy Programme, 2008. 13p.

Source: Internet Resource: Briefing Paper Sixteen: Accessed April 11, 2012 at: http://www.beckleyfoundation.org/pdf/BriefingPaper_16.pdf

Year: 2008

Country: Colombia

URL: http://www.beckleyfoundation.org/pdf/BriefingPaper_16.pdf

Shelf Number: 124922

Keywords:
Cocaine
Drug Enforcement
Drug Trafficking
Illegal Drugs (Colombia)
Plan Colombia

Author: Borda, Sandra

Title: The Search for a Negotiated Peace in Colombia and the Fight Against Illegal Drugs

Summary: The issue of illicit drugs has played a radically different role in the ongoing peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana compared with the peace process in El Caguan ten years ago. There are two differences. Firstly, while in El Caguan President Pastrana aligned himself with the war on drugs as it stood at the time through the design and implementation of Plan Colombia in order to strengthen the state's military apparatus, President Santos has adopted a more revisionist attitude by calling for a global debate intended to produce changes to the current war on drugs. And secondly, in contrast to Pastrana, Santos has chosen not to dwell on claims about the close links between the FARC's insurgent activity and the production and trafficking of illicit drugs. Additionally, the report suggests that these differences are explained by the role the U.S. played in both negotiations: while it was active and crucial in El Caguan, its absence from the Havana talks has been notable, but also rather convenient. This absence, in turn, is explained by the fact that Washington has fewer interests at stake and more limited resources for intervening, at the same time as the Colombian government no longer has an urgent need for aid.

Details: Oslo: Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), 2013. 8p.

Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/8927ac64693ffbc3b7191d6b5b132d3e.pdf

Year: 2013

Country: Colombia

URL: http://www.peacebuilding.no/var/ezflow_site/storage/original/application/8927ac64693ffbc3b7191d6b5b132d3e.pdf

Shelf Number: 132700

Keywords:
Drug Enforcement
Drug-Related Violence
Homicides
Illegal Drugs (Colombia)
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
War on Drugs